Police Killings Surpass The Worst Years Of Lynching, Capital Punishment, And A Movement Responds

Jerome Karabel Professor of sociology, University of California at Berkeley
Jerome Karabel
Professor of soci­ol­o­gy, University of California at Berkeley

Video cam­eras have trans­formed how we view police killings. First, there was the hor­ri­fy­ing homi­cide in July 2014 of Eric Garner, placed in a choke-hold for sell­ing loose cig­a­rettes and denied med­ical assis­tance for sev­er­al long min­utes despite plead­ing “I can’t breathe” eleven times. Then there was the shock­ing slay­ing in April 2015 of Walter Scott, stopped for a non-func­tion­ing third brake light and shot in the back in broad day­light while run­ning away from the police. Most recent­ly, there was the fatal shoot­ing this July of Samuel Dubose, stopped for a miss­ing front license plate and shot in the head while attempt­ing to dri­ve away. In all three cas­es — two of them caught by cit­i­zen videos and the third by police cam­era — the vic­tims were African-American.

In the wake of these events and protests that have done so much to focus pub­lic atten­tion on them, our knowl­edge of police killings has rapid­ly expand­ed. So, too, has the issue’s polit­i­cal salience. The videos — and the out­rage that fol­lowed — helped ignite the most pow­er­ful civ­il rights move­ment since the 1960s. Thanks to this move­ment, the issues of police killings and mass incar­cer­a­tion are now square­ly on the pub­lic agenda.

Neal Blair, of Augusta, Ga., stands on the lawn of the Capitol building during a rally to mark the 20th anniversary of the Million Man March, on Capitol Hill, on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2015, in Washington. Thousands of African-Americans crowded on the National Mall Saturday for the 20th anniversary of the Million Man March. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
Neal Blair, of Augusta, Ga., stands on the lawn of the Capitol build­ing dur­ing a ral­ly to mark the 20th anniver­sary of the Million Man March, on Capitol Hill, on Saturday, Oct. 10, 2015, in Washington. Thousands of African-Americans crowd­ed on the National Mall Saturday for the 20th anniver­sary of the Million Man March. (AP Photo/​Evan Vucci)

Like the move­ments against lynch­ing, state-sanc­tioned seg­re­ga­tion and the death penal­ty before it, today’s move­ment is part of a cen­turies-long strug­gle for racial jus­tice. These move­ments have repeat­ed­ly chal­lenged the tak­en-for-grant­ed prac­tices of the day and rede­fined them, step-by-step, as no longer moral­ly accept­able. As I will dis­cuss below, this pat­tern describes the strug­gle that led to the decline and ulti­mate elim­i­na­tion of lynch­ing, and it cap­tures as well the ongo­ing fight against the death penal­ty that may well cul­mi­nate in its abo­li­tion. Today’s move­ments aim at a sim­i­lar trans­for­ma­tion: to define rou­tine police killings and mass incar­cer­a­tion — prac­tices now tak­en for grant­ed as nor­mal fea­tures of American life — as nei­ther nor­mal nor moral­ly acceptable.

How Common Are Police Killings?

The cur­rent move­ment emerged out of mount­ing anger over the killing of unarmed cit­i­zens by police. When the ques­tion of how often such killings take place quite nat­u­ral­ly arose, the shock­ing answer was that no one knew — a state of affairs the FBI direc­tor James Comey has apt­ly described as “embar­rass­ing and ridicu­lous.” Though the FBI annu­al­ly issues a report that pro­vides fig­ures on “jus­ti­fied police homi­cides,” report­ing from local police forces is vol­un­tary and thou­sands of them turn in no infor­ma­tion. Investigations by the Wall Street Journal and FiveThirtyEight deter­mined that hun­dreds of police killings went unre­port­ed annu­al­ly, but they could do no more than pro­vide rough esti­mates. This is in strik­ing con­trast to many European coun­tries, where every killing by the police is care­ful­ly record­ed; indeed, in Germany and Finland, each and every shot fired by the police is entered into a nation­al database.

In response to the upsurge in pub­lic inter­est in police killings, the Washington PostandGuardian have stepped in to per­form a task that should have been done by the gov­ern­ment: the record­ing of every police killing. Though the news­pa­pers use slight­ly dif­fer­ent method­olo­gies, both news­pa­pers draw on two cit­i­zen-ini­ti­at­ed sources, “Killed by Police” and “Fatal Encounters,” which col­lect news reports of peo­ple killed by law enforce­ment offices, and both include data on whether the per­son was armed.1 In addi­tion to the time and place of the killings, both data­bas­es include basic demo­graph­ic infor­ma­tion, includ­ing race, gen­der, and age. Neither attempts to deter­mine whether the killings should be deemed “jus­ti­fied.”

As recent­ly as the sum­mer of 2014, when the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner thrust the issue of police killings into nation­al promi­nence, the most wide­ly used esti­mate of the num­ber of peo­ple killed by police was pro­vid­ed by the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report: slight­ly more than 400 per year. But we now know that this fig­ure was a gross under­es­ti­ma­tion, for the actu­al num­ber is more than 1,100 police killings each year — about one every eight hours.2This is a lev­el of police vio­lence that is sim­ply unimag­in­able in oth­er wealthy demo­c­ra­t­ic coun­try; in Germany in 2012, a total of sev­en peo­ple were killed by the police, and in England a sin­gle per­son was killed in 2013 and 2014 com­bined. And Japan, a nation of 126 mil­lion peo­ple that is as non-vio­lent as the US is vio­lent, had no police killings over the past two years.
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