We Await The Verdict In The Clansman Gang Trial.…

Striking a bal­ance between ensur­ing vic­tims’ rights, the rule of law, and the rights of the accused to due process and a fair tri­al is no easy task. It is premised on the fun­da­men­tal ide­al that Judges, Prosecutors, Defense Attorneys, and Police will adhere strict­ly with fideli­ty to their oaths.
This is no easy task because humans are prone to mis­takes and abus­ing their author­i­ty. The abuse of author­i­ty is not con­fined to any region or coun­try; for exam­ple, in New York City, Police were grant­ed the pow­er to stop and search peo­ple they sus­pect­ed of car­ry­ing ille­gal weapons. The process was called stop and frisk.
Admittedly, this was not a bad strat­e­gy that the police would have the pow­er to stop some­one they believe may have an ille­gal weapon on their per­son or in an automobile.
A per­son with bad inten­tions will cer­tain­ly think twice about tuck­ing a gun in his waist­band or car if he believes there is a strong pos­si­bil­i­ty of get­ting caught.
For the record, the penal­ty in New York State for pos­sess­ing an ille­gal weapon behind bars depends on the nature of the offense, the spe­cif­ic charge and degree of which a per­son is con­vict­ed, and past crim­i­nal history.
Penalties for a felony con­vic­tion of Criminal Possession of a Firearm include one to four years in prison and a fine of up to $5,000. (The max­i­mum penal­ties for a mis­de­meanor are one year in jail and a fine of $1,000.) These days, first-time offend­ers are usu­al­ly the only peo­ple for­tu­nate enough to face a mis­de­meanor charge for gun pos­ses­sion instead of a felony charge. (Explained newyorkcrim​i​nallawyer​.com).
Mayor Bill de Blasio dis­con­tin­ued stop and frisk after much out­cry from the minor­i­ty com­mu­ni­ties liv­ing in the city’s five Boroughs. Their com­plaint cen­tered on their per­cep­tion that the sta­tis­tics showed that police were dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly stop­ping young men of col­or and search­ing them. Only a small minor­i­ty of those stops result­ed in a weapon or any con­tra­band being found.
One could argue that the stops, includ­ing young Black and Latino men, are gross­ly dis­pro­por­tion­ate. Still, real­is­ti­cal­ly and truth­ful­ly, those are the peo­ple who large­ly com­mit gun crimes in the city, so the police would nat­u­ral­ly focus on them.
But it was not that peo­ple protest­ed about the sta­tis­tics alone; they com­plained about the treat­ment met­ed out to inno­cent young Black and Brown men at the hands of the police.
And there­in lies the prob­lem, over-zeal­ous cops with bad atti­tudes and Rambo men­tal­i­ties tried to live out their fan­tasies by being rude, dis­re­spect­ful, and abu­sive to young men of col­or whom they disliked.
As the sta­tis­tics and abuse piled up, so was the anger of the peo­ple kin­dled, and stop and frisk was dis­con­tin­ued; the result is that young men are now car­ry­ing their ille­gal weapons unper­turbed about being stooped and frisked.
The inabil­i­ty of some police offi­cers to do their jobs right put the city in per­il, and that’s the bot­tom line.

Under the sup­pres­sion of crimes Act in Jamaica dur­ing the 1980s, there was the usu­al honk-honk from the hog­pen; we know them well; they are the bot­tom-feed­ers who posi­tion them­selves as Human Rights advo­cates. The trou­ble with their advo­ca­cy is that it nev­er quite gets to empa­thy for the crime victims.
During the Reagan Years, the same as the Seaga years, Crime in Jamaica was con­trolled. Let me be the first to say that crime was not where this writer want­ed it to be dur­ing those years, as I believed then that if we had bet­ter lead­er­ship of the Constabulary at all lev­els, we could have been expo­nen­tial­ly more successful.
Full dis­clo­sure, I served most of my trun­cat­ed police ser­vice dur­ing the 1980s before leav­ing abrupt­ly in search of bet­ter opportunities.
During the 80s, the police had a bet­ter grasp of who the crim­i­nals were and where they were hid­ing; as I said before, with bet­ter lead­er­ship, we could have done a way bet­ter job of decap­i­tat­ing crim­i­nal net­works if we had lead­er­ship that had the abil­i­ty to think.
I am first to say that there were abus­es by the police and mil­i­tary dur­ing those years, as could have been expect­ed where there is poor lead­er­ship up the chain of com­mand, poor train­ing, and inad­e­quate account­abil­i­ty mech­a­nisms; police, like every cat­e­go­ry of work­ers, will abuse their authority.
Nevertheless, the indis­putable fact is that dur­ing the 1980s, few­er Jamaicans were being mur­dered. Since then, Jamaica, an out­post of British Colonialist impe­ri­al­ism, was forced to do away with cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment, which embold­ened peo­ple to be brazen. Additionally, the peri­od after the Seaga admin­is­tra­tion was fol­lowed by an unprece­dent­ed 2212 years unbro­ken run of doing as you please in Jamaica that saw Jamaica becom­ing the mur­der cap­i­tal of the world and a place where crim­i­nals go to chill and act out their crim­i­nal­is­tic fantasies.
After the Seaga years, Human Rights Watch, a group that has influ­enced many oth­er such groups on the Island, wrote the following.

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JAMAICA

The Bush admin­is­tra­tion’s human rights pol­i­cy toward Jamaica has not yet been clear­ly artic­u­lat­ed. The State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in 1988, draft­ed by the Reagan admin­is­tra­tion and issued in February 1989, pre­sent­ed an under­stat­ed but fair­ly real­is­tic pic­ture of cur­rent human rights abus­es. But there is no indi­ca­tion that the Bush admin­is­tra­tion has used its influ­ence to per­suade the Jamaican gov­ern­ment to end the abus­es described in the report.

Jamaica is a demo­c­ra­t­ic soci­ety with a Constitution and laws that pro­tect its cit­i­zens. The coun­try has a par­lia­men­tary sys­tem with free elec­tions, com­pet­ing polit­i­cal par­ties, a free press, and estab­lished insti­tu­tions to check abus­es of pow­er. Jamaicans open­ly crit­i­cize their gov­ern­ment, and the gov­ern­ment pub­lish­es sta­tis­tics on crime and reports on fatal shoot­ings by the police. The inde­pen­dent Jamaica Council for Human Rights mon­i­tors human rights on the island.

Despite its free insti­tu­tions, Jamaica con­tin­ues to abuse the human rights of its cit­i­zens in three areas: a high rate of fatal shoot­ings by police offi­cers, the deten­tion of sus­pects with­out charges for long peri­ods of time, and inhu­mane con­di­tions in pris­ons and police lock-ups.

In 1988 the police shot and killed 181 civil­ians, accord­ing to the Jamaican police. During the ten-year peri­od begin­ning January 1, 1979, the Jamaican police force, accord­ing to its own fig­ures, shot and killed an aver­age of 208.3 civil­ians a year. This fig­ure is extra­or­di­nar­i­ly high for a coun­try with a pop­u­la­tion of about 2.3 mil­lion. In the United States, with a pop­u­la­tion about 100 times the size of Jamaica’s, police are esti­mat­ed to shoot and kill about 700 peo­ple a year. In South Africa, with a pop­u­la­tion about thir­teen times the size of Jamaica’s, police shot and killed 585 peo­ple in 1987.

We believe that this extra­or­di­nar­i­ly high rate of killings by the police is due in part to the per­mis­sive cli­mate cre­at­ed by the Suppression of Crime Act, a state-of-emer­gency law enact­ed in 1974 which sus­pends war­rant require­ments and oth­er pro­ce­dures that pro­tect Jamaicans’ rights. Many young police offi­cers have nev­er worked with­out the extra­or­di­nary pow­ers giv­en to them by the Suppression of Crime Act. This lack of struc­ture seems to have encour­aged some to dis­charge firearms too freely.

https://​www​.hrw​.org/​r​e​p​o​r​t​s​/​1​9​8​9​/​W​R​8​9​/​J​a​m​a​i​c​a​.​htm

In the link pro­vid­ed above, one can see that there is no men­tion of the inno­cent Jamaicans who lost their lives to maraud­ing ter­ror­is­tic killers. There is no men­tion of the bro­ken fam­i­lies the vic­tims left behind. Instead, the report details num­bers that tell only a small part of the sto­ry but do not con­sid­er the cost-ben­e­fit analy­sis that must go into the report­ing so read­ers would bet­ter under­stand the com­plex­i­ty of Jamaica’s crime pandemic.
As we see today, when the Opposition People’s National Party’s spokes­peo­ple open their mouths, they talk about the rights of indi­vid­ual cit­i­zens as if the secu­ri­ty forces are act­ing against law-abid­ing cit­i­zens and not in their interest.
It is the same play­book that the so-called human rights advo­cates use to con­found and con­fuse the Jamaican peo­ple with great effect but to their detri­ment. If you are dead no right that you had mat­ters. The most impor­tant right a per­son has is the right to life. This fun­da­men­tal fact eludes the par­a­sites who say they are advo­cat­ing for the rights of poor Jamaicans.
Today Jamaica is stead­fast­ly stuck in the same mind­set, influ­enced by a back­ward human rights advo­ca­cy that is stead­fast­ly focused on the rights of crim­i­nals. For those who sur­vive the rav­ages of crim­i­nal con­duct and those who died, .…..well, for Jamaica’s human rights com­mu­ni­ty, it’s …oh well.
The Judiciary itself came up under this mis­guid­ed think­ing that the rights of mur­der­ous crim­i­nals trump the rights of law-abid­ing citizens.
The Chief Justice posi­tion is a high­ly regard­ed posi­tion of trust, maybe naive­ly so, but in our sys­tem of jus­tice, we need to have trust in our arms of gov­ern­ment for our democ­ra­cy to work.
Alas, over the years, the judi­cia­ry has been called into ques­tion in ways we have nev­er seen before. Witnesses brag about their high-priced attor­neys work­ing on their behalf, cor­rupt­ing judges to get the out­comes they want in court.
Sentences giv­en to vio­lent offend­ers, repeat vio­lent offend­ers even, are jaw-drop­ping in their lenien­cy, while the judges lec­ture the pub­lic about the rules they must con­sid­er when hand­ing down sentences.
The unde­ni­able truth, how­ev­er, is that even though the laws are not near­ly as strin­gent as they ought to be, thanks to the pow­er­ful tri­al lawyer and human rights lob­by on the Island, unelect­ed judges vio­late the trust placed in them by releas­ing onto the streets vio­lent repeat offend­ers on bail, and even when they are con­vict­ed the sen­tences giv­en to them makes no rea­son­able sense.
Still, some Jamaicans bury their heads in the sand, fin­gers in their ears, and yell to drown out the real­i­ty of this corruption.
As I have said in pre­vi­ous arti­cles, judi­cial cor­rup­tion is not con­fined to sit­u­a­tions where a judge is paid off for a cer­tain out­come but may be bet­ter char­ac­ter­ized as the following.
(Judicial cor­rup­tion means ‘all forms of inap­pro­pri­ate influ­ence that may dam­age the impar­tial­i­ty of jus­tice and may involve any actor with­in the jus­tice sys­tem, includ­ing, but not lim­it­ed to, judges, lawyers, admin­is­tra­tive Court sup­port staff, par­ties, and pub­lic ser­vants.) Those con­sid­er­a­tions may include polit­i­cal activism.
Steeped cul­tur­al­ly to hero-wor­ship peo­ple in posi­tions of author­i­ty, the aver­age Jamaican is blind­ed to what’s hap­pen­ing to our coun­try. As a con­se­quence, dan­ger­ous crim­i­nals are returned to the streets as soon as they are arrest­ed and even when they are convicted.
We watch the tri­als of dan­ger­ous mur­der­ous gang­sters and see a judge dis­re­spect the police and pros­e­cu­tor while giv­ing def­er­ence to their defense attor­neys. We watch speech­less as a sin­gle judge arguably acts as a defense lawyer to vio­lent killers.
This is shock­ing to observers look­ing on yet it is par for the course in Jamaica.
This prac­tice is to be found nowhere else in the world, so Jamaicans should look at the record of the vio­lence pro­duc­ers and ask them­selves, ‘why was this per­son back on the streets? For decades they scape­goat­ed the police depart­ment lay­ing the crime issue square­ly at the feet of what they char­ac­ter­ized as the incom­pe­tent police depart­ment pop­u­lat­ed with dunces.
Now the police force has more PhDs than a University, more lawyers than a law firm, and more degrees than a ther­mome­ter, yet still, crime is high­er than when the force was per­ceived their way.
Our coun­try is cor­rupt to the core, and the cor­rup­tion is eat­ing away at the abil­i­ty of those in pow­er to effec­tu­ate change.
The soon­er we real­ize this, the ear­li­er we can begin to turn this sink­ing ship around.
We await the ver­dict in the Clansman trial!!!

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Mike Beckles is a for­mer Police Detective, busi­ness­man, free­lance writer, black achiev­er hon­oree, and cre­ator of the blog mike​beck​les​.com.

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