The Toxic Romance With Criminality: A Historical Reflection !!!

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Jamaica’s decades-long “love affair” with crim­i­nals is not acci­den­tal — it grew out of a polit­i­cal sys­tem that con­scious­ly weaponized law­less­ness for elec­toral gain. As ear­ly as the 1970s and 1980s, gangs — com­mon­ly referred to as “poss­es” — became deeply embed­ded in polit­i­cal cul­ture. These crim­i­nal net­works, far from being periph­er­al, became polit­i­cal enforcers.
The noto­ri­ous Shower Posse — Spanglers, Black Roses and oth­ers — emerged not sim­ply as street gangs but as instru­ments of polit­i­cal vio­lence and con­trol, shift­ing even­tu­al­ly into hero­in, cocaine, and arms traf­fick­ing as they gained power. 
In this sense, crime was sub­si­dized by pol­i­tics. The “posse-pol­i­tics” mod­el ren­dered crim­i­nal­i­ty not only tol­er­at­ed but polit­i­cal­ly func­tion­al: threats, “mus­cle,” vot­er intim­i­da­tion — or, when con­ve­nient, pro­tec­tion — all built a grotesque sym­bio­sis between under­world and polit­i­cal elites.

Over time, ordi­nary cit­i­zens, espe­cial­ly in impov­er­ished neigh­bour­hoods, came to view gang “dons” not only as dan­ger­ous crim­i­nals, but as de fac­to pow­er bro­kers — pro­tec­tors, providers, patrons. For many Jamaicans, these fig­ures rep­re­sent­ed com­mu­ni­ty pow­er, ret­ri­bu­tion, and a twist­ed notion of social jus­tice. The result: crime ceased to be an aber­ra­tion; it became woven into the country’s polit­i­cal and social fab­ric. Victims’ rights and pub­lic safe­ty repeat­ed­ly took a back seat as crim­i­nals became qua­si-legit­i­mate com­mu­ni­ty actors.


A Legal System That Long Deferred to Criminal Rights — And Political Strategy

This def­er­ence wasn’t only cul­tur­al — it was sys­temic. Courts, bail laws, weak polic­ing, and polit­i­cal inter­fer­ence often treat­ed gang lead­ers and crim­i­nals not as pari­ahs but as man­age­able, some­times even pro­tect­ed, fig­ures. Politicians from both main par­ties — the JLP and People’s National Party (PNP) — enjoy doc­u­ment­ed links to crim­i­nal net­works. Even if some of the worst sto­ries were exag­ger­at­ed or politi­cized, the struc­tur­al asso­ci­a­tion between polit­i­cal patron­age and gang pro­tec­tion is unde­ni­able. This pat­tern has allowed gang cul­ture to sur­vive, mutate, and even thrive. It has fos­tered a cul­ture of impuni­ty — where the lives of ordi­nary vic­tims and com­mu­ni­ties are weight­ed less than the polit­i­cal util­i­ty of “dons.”The will­ing­ness of large swathes of the Jamaican pub­lic to tol­er­ate — or even glo­ri­fy — such fig­ures is not mere­ly moral fail­ure. It is the inevitable by-prod­uct of decades in which crim­i­nal­i­ty was nor­mal­ized, politi­cized, and in some cas­es rewarded.


A New Era: Attempted Break with Criminality under Holness & JLP

That’s why the recent wave of reforms and crime reduc­tions under Holness’s JLP gov­ern­ment mat­ters — it isn’t just sta­tis­tics, it is an attempt at sys­temic repair.

📉 Real, measurable decline in violent crime

  • According to the offi­cial fig­ures from the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF), Jamaica record­ed a 43.3% reduc­tion in mur­ders between January 1 and May 28, 2025 — drop­ping from 485 mur­ders in the same 2024 peri­od to 275. opm​.gov​.jm

  • Other major crimes fol­lowed sim­i­lar declines: by 2024, mur­ders had fall­en by 19% com­pared to 2023, one of the biggest year-on-year drops in his­to­ry. opm​.gov​.jm+1

  • In the first quar­ter of 2025, the coun­try saw the low­est quar­ter­ly mur­der total in 25 years, and the low­est month­ly count in 25 years (-44 mur­ders in April, for exam­ple). opm​.gov​.jm+1

  • Shootings, rapes, and rob­beries have also plum­met­ed under sus­tained police oper­a­tions, intel­li­gence-led oper­a­tions, gang crack­downs, and mount­ing firearms seizures. 

In short, the past two years mark the most sig­nif­i­cant sus­tained decline in major crimes that Jamaica has seen in decades — not a one-off drop, but an ongo­ing down­ward spiral.

🔧 Institutional and legislative reforms

  • Under Holness, the gov­ern­ment has invest­ed mas­sive­ly: over $90 bil­lion (Jamaican dol­lars) in nation­al secu­ri­ty over nine years, fund­ing mod­ern­iza­tion of the police, new sta­tions, bet­ter train­ing, recruit­ment, and technology. 

  • The police force is report­ed­ly “almost at full estab­lished strength,” with thou­sands of addi­tion­al offi­cers trained since 2018. opm​.gov​.jm+1

  • The reform strat­e­gy is statewide — intel­li­gence-led polic­ing, tar­get­ed gang dis­rup­tion, firearms seizures, break­ing down orga­nized crime net­works, and shift­ing polic­ing phi­los­o­phy. The gov­ern­ment has also amend­ed bail laws, strength­ened gun and anti-gang laws, cre­at­ed new enforce­ment bod­ies (like the inde­pen­dent Major Organised Crime and Anti‑Corruption Agency, MOCA), and gen­er­al­ly tough­ened the legal frame­work against vio­lent crime. 

These are not super­fi­cial changes. They rep­re­sent a con­cert­ed, long-term attempt to reassert the rule of law — to reclaim the State’s monop­oly on legit­i­mate vio­lence, and reduce the shad­ow pow­er of gangs.


The Stakes of Regression: Why Expungement and “Soft-on-Crime” Policies Are Dangerous

Given this progress, the actions and pro­pos­als by parts of the PNP to water down leg­is­la­tion, or undo crim­i­nal-jus­tice gains, are deeply irre­spon­si­ble. People’s National Party Member of Parliament Zuleika Jess tabling Amendment for full expunge­ment of felons with non-cus­to­di­al sen­tences or prison terms less than (5) five years is just the lat­ers iter­tion of the PNP’s con­cert­ed effort to stand in the way of mean­ing­ful and sus­tain­able crime reduc­tion in Jamaica.
This fol­lows a long string of PNP efforts to weak­en leg­is­la­tion that would aid the nation’s fight against local and trans-nation­al crim­i­nals. To add insult to injury the PNP ran a twice con­vict­ed Drug mule turned Lawyer, Isat Buchanan to rep­re­sent a seat in East Portland, he won, mak­ing it the first time in our nation’s his­to­ry that a con­vict­ed felon sits in our par­lai­ment as a lawmaker.
While there is a legit­i­mate debate in many soci­eties about reha­bil­i­ta­tion and rein­te­gra­tion of minor offend­ers — and while the con­cept of sec­ond chances is not immoral per se — in Jamaica’s con­text, this feels tone-deaf at best and dan­ger­ous­ly naïve at worst. Here’s why:

  • Public safe­ty vs. polit­i­cal optics: With gangs his­tor­i­cal­ly inter­twined with polit­i­cal patron­age, giv­ing an easy “clean slate” to crim­i­nals plays direct­ly into the old pol­i­tics of impunity.

  • Risk to vic­tims & com­mu­ni­ties: Expunging records means eras­ing insti­tu­tion­al mem­o­ry. Employers, com­mu­ni­ty mem­bers, neigh­bors, or fam­i­lies may unwit­ting­ly open their doors to peo­ple with illic­it pasts — under­min­ing trust and security.

  • International con­se­quences: Other nations (espe­cial­ly those with strict visa or res­i­den­cy screen­ing) are unlike­ly to wel­come indi­vid­u­als from juris­dic­tions per­ceived as soft on crime — espe­cial­ly if records are expunged. The rep­u­ta­tion­al impact on Jamaica as a whole could be severe (on migra­tion, tourism, for­eign investment).

  • Undermining reforms: After years of boots-on-ground polic­ing, seizures, arrests, and dis­man­tling gangs, undo­ing crim­i­nal records under­mines decades of reform and sends a mes­sage that the State is not seri­ous about hold­ing crim­i­nals to account.

In short: any push to “clean the slate” must be mea­sured, delib­er­ate, and con­text-sen­si­tive. Blanket expunge­ments — espe­cial­ly in a coun­try still recov­er­ing from decades of gang dom­i­nance — risk com­pro­mis­ing the frag­ile gains in pub­lic safety.

Conclusion: The Choice Before Jamaica

Jamaica stands at a fork in the road. One path leads back to the old, trag­ic cycle: crim­i­nal-polit­i­cal sym­bio­sis, impuni­ty, vio­lence nor­mal­ized, vic­tims invis­i­ble, com­mu­ni­ties ter­ror­ized. On this path, any ges­ture to clean up crim­i­nal records — or weak­en laws — is not a noble act of mer­cy, but a step back into darkness.
The oth­er path — the one the Holness gov­ern­ment seems to be walk­ing — is hard, fraught, and requires sus­tained polit­i­cal will, fund­ing, and pub­lic sup­port. It demands that Jamaicans reject the glam­our of “dons,” that they for­sake old loy­al­ties to gang-affil­i­at­ed politi­cians, and com­mit instead to the rule of law, pub­lic safe­ty, and justice.

The 2025 data give rea­son for guard­ed hope: mur­ders and major crimes are down over 42%, But sta­tis­tics are frag­ile things. The moment polit­i­cal expe­di­en­cy replaces prin­ci­ple — for exam­ple, via expunge­ment bills — we risk unrav­el­ing decades of progress.

If Jamaica is seri­ous about reclaim­ing its pros­per­i­ty, dig­ni­ty, and the safe­ty of its peo­ple, it must resist any attempt to reha­bil­i­tate the rep­u­ta­tion of crim­i­nals with­out account­abil­i­ty. It must reclaim the nar­ra­tive that crim­i­nals are not com­mu­ni­ty heroes — they are predators.

Anything less is not reform. It is a relapse.

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Mike Beckles
Former Criminal Detective, Writer, Businessman, Black Achiever Honoree