Spirit Of ‘Africa’s Che Guevara’ Found In Burkina Faso Uprising

 Thomas Sankara
Thomas Sankara

OUGADOUGOU, Burkina Faso — In the ear­ly hours of a night in 1987, one of Africa’s youngest lead­ers, Thomas Sankara, was mur­dered and qui­et­ly and quick­ly buried in a shal­low grave.

Now, the man wide­ly believed to be behind it, Burkina Faso’s pres­i­dent, has watched as his par­lia­ment was set ablaze by furi­ous pro­test­ers who want him gone.

Many of the pro­test­ers say the his­to­ry of the slain 1980s leader part­ly inspired them to rise against Blaise Compaore, who has been in pow­er for 27 years and was try­ing, by a vote in par­lia­ment, for anoth­er five.

Though some see Sankara as an auto­crat who came to office by the pow­er of the gun, and who ignored basic human rights in pur­suit of his ideals, in recent years he has been cit­ed as a rev­o­lu­tion­ary inspi­ra­tion not only in Burkina Faso but in oth­er coun­tries across Africa.

In the weeks before the cur­rent chaos, Al Jazeera spoke to peo­ple in the cap­i­tal, Ouagadougou, and found many who pre­dict­ed that Sankara’s mem­o­ry, and Compaore’s attempt to seek anoth­er five-year term, may soon spark an uprising.

Thumbnail image for Burkina Faso's president resigns amid wave of violent unrest

Burkina Faso’s president resigns amid wave of violent unrest

Statement comes just hours after Blaise Compaore had seem­ing­ly vowed to stay in pow­er as head of tran­si­tion­al government.

At the time of his assas­si­na­tion Sankara was just 37 and had ruled for only four years.

But his poli­cies and vision are still cher­ished both by some locals who were around when he was in pow­er and, sig­nif­i­cant­ly, by many young peo­ple who were born since his death.

His killing was the the fifth coup since the nation won inde­pen­dence from France and the main ben­e­fi­cia­ry was Compaore, who quick­ly took his place.

Until that night, the two had often been referred to as best friends.

Although there is less pover­ty now than back then, a grow­ing num­ber of Burkinabés had, in recent years, start­ed to feel that Sankara’s nation­al­iza­tion poli­cies may have made the per­pet­u­al­ly arid nation a more pros­per­ous and self-reliant place than it is today.

Sankara want­ed a thriv­ing Burkina Faso, rely­ing on local human and nat­ur­al resources as opposed to for­eign aid,” said retired pro­fes­sor of eco­nom­ics, Noël Nébié.

And start­ing with agri­cul­ture, which rep­re­sents more than 32 per cent of the coun­try’s GDP and employs 80 per­cent of the work­ing pop­u­la­tion, he smashed the eco­nom­ic élite who con­trolled most of the arable land and grant­ed access to sub­sis­tence farm­ers. That improved pro­duc­tion mak­ing the coun­try almost self-sufficient.”

Naming a nation

Initially known as the Republic of Upper Volta, after the riv­er, in 1984 Sankara changed the coun­try’s name to Burkina Faso, mean­ing Land of the Upright People, and he soon made that name the sym­bol of his nation­al­iza­tion crusade.

Some say the fact he authored his nation’s name has kept his mem­o­ry alive.

When you wake up in the morn­ing and you remem­ber you are a Burkinabe, you auto­mat­i­cal­ly recall the per­son who thought up that local name and stamped it on us,” said Ishmael Kaboré, a 47-year-old lawyer in Ouagadougou.

At first, peo­ple felt the name Burkina Faso was odd, awk­ward and far from the mod­ern and for­eign names oth­er coun­tries were bear­ing in Africa.

But they real­ized after his death that Sankara want­ed to give us a unique and spe­cial iden­ti­ty that tells our his­to­ry and depicts our character.”

Sankara was a deter­mined pan-Africanist, whose for­eign poli­cies were large­ly cen­tered on anti-impe­ri­al­ism. His gov­ern­ment spurned for­eign aid and tried to stamp out the influ­ence of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in the coun­try by adopt­ing debt reduc­tion poli­cies and nation­al­iz­ing all land and min­er­al wealth.

Self-suf­fi­cien­cy and land reform poli­cies were designed to fight famine, a nation­wide lit­er­a­cy cam­paign was launched, and fam­i­lies were ordered to have their chil­dren vaccinated.

Some fam­i­lies used to keep their chil­dren in hid­ing on the arrival of vac­ci­na­tors for reli­gious or rit­u­al rea­sons, and that prac­tice was sab­o­tag­ing our efforts,” said Fatoumata Koulibaly, assis­tant cam­paign direc­tor at the coun­try’s health min­istry under Sankara.

But when Sankara came he took a strong stand against it, which helped in the vac­ci­na­tion of close to three mil­lion chil­dren against menin­gi­tis, yel­low fever and measles, etc.”

Vaccination has been com­mon prac­tice in Burkina Faso since then, she said.

Anger bubbles up

Sankara was often referred to as “Africa’s Che Guevara” because he reg­u­lar­ly quot­ed, and said he drew inspi­ra­tion from, the world famous rev­o­lu­tion­ary leader. Sankara was also a good friend of for­mer Ghanaian pres­i­dent, and fel­low rev­o­lu­tion­ary, Jerry Rawlings.

Even for his most ardent of sup­port­ers it is impos­si­ble to know whether, if Sankara had not been killed, life would have been bet­ter, and some argue that it would not have.

But many peo­ple told Al Jazeera they believed things would be bet­ter today if he was still alive, and that sen­ti­ment is part­ly respon­si­ble for Thursday’s events.

Young peo­ple who were not alive dur­ing Sankara’s admin­is­tra­tion are begin­ning to look back more at that peri­od because some­thing is wrong in the coun­try today,” 23-year-old University of Ouagadougou stu­dent, Ibrahim Sanogo, said.

Sankara was not just fight­ing impe­ri­al­ism for the sake of pol­i­tics but he want­ed the Burkinabe peo­ple to devel­op them­selves and their land and rely essen­tial­ly on them­selves instead of the West.

Today, all the young grad­u­ates are dream­ing to trav­el abroad to do odd jobs because of lack of employ­ment oppor­tu­ni­ties here.”

Compaore, though, has had some suc­cess. The min­ing indus­try has seen a boost in recent years, with the cop­per, iron and man­ganese mar­kets all improv­ing. Gold pro­duc­tion shot up by 32 per­cent in 2011 at six sites, accord­ing to fig­ures from the mines min­istry, mak­ing Burkina Faso the fourth-largest gold pro­duc­er in Africa.

Growth is run­ning at sev­en per­cent. But per capi­ta income stands at just $790, and local peo­ple say the stan­dard of liv­ing is very poor for most. Corruption and elit­ism are a prob­lem, they say, with any wealth only in the hands of the few.

Those World Bank and IMF fig­ures are seen only on paper and not in the pock­ets of the Burkinabes,” said Seydou Yabré, an inde­pen­dent rur­al devel­op­ment expert.

Only very few peo­ple are enjoy­ing the wealth of the coun­try. If you vis­it homes, or trav­el to the hin­ter­lands, you will expe­ri­ence an appalling lev­el of poverty.”

Eerie prediction

Perhaps Sankara’s anti-cor­rup­tion cam­paign and exem­plary mod­est lifestyle could have forced wealth to trick­le down if he had been left alive to lead, Yabré thought.

Sankara was Africa’s most down-to-earth pres­i­dent then. He lived in a small, mod­est house, rode a bicy­cle and had $350 in his account at the time of his death,” Yabré said.

He was also con­test­ed with­in his inner cir­cle because he nev­er want­ed his army col­leagues to embez­zle pub­lic funds and lead a flam­boy­ant lifestyle.”

Famously — and eeri­ly — just a week before his death, per­haps sens­ing what was to come, Sankara said: “While rev­o­lu­tion­ar­ies as indi­vid­u­als can be mur­dered, you can­not kill ideas.”

Burkina Faso’s progress over the past 20 years was large­ly due to its sta­bil­i­ty, many observers say, but, as was made clear when a crowd of the coun­try’s peo­ple con­verged on the par­lia­ment intent on destruc­tion, an anger left to fes­ter can take that away in an instant.

Sankara had many ene­mies because he wrest­ed priv­i­leges from loot­ers in favour of the poor,” Yabré said. “Maybe he did this too rad­i­cal­ly and with­in too short a time.”
Read more here.Spirit of ‘Africa’s Che Guevara’ found in Burkina Faso uprising