MORE BIG MONEY

src.adapt.960.high.1396536679439Dismayed cam­paign finance advo­cates say that the Supreme Court’s con­tro­ver­sial McCutcheon vs. FEC deci­sion released Wednesday morn­ing threat­ens to unleash a new avalanche of mon­ey into a polit­i­cal sys­tem already flush with con­tri­bu­tions from mon­eyed inter­ests. But exact­ly who will be empow­ered to write more checks this elec­tion sea­son as a result of the McCutcheon deci­sion? Perhaps to no one’s sur­prise, researchers and advo­cates say the élite class of donors who are most like­ly to exceed the strick­en lim­its tends to skew white, male, affil­i­at­ed with busi­ness inter­ests and, of course, ultra-wealthy. Before the McCutcheon deci­sion, fed­er­al law not only put restric­tions on how much indi­vid­ual donors could con­tribute to any sin­gle can­di­date and par­ty com­mit­tee, but capped their total con­tri­bu­tions to all fed­er­al can­di­dates and all par­ty com­mit­tees in a two-year peri­od. For the 2014 elec­tion cycle, those lim­its were set at a total of $48,600 and $74,600 for can­di­dates and par­ty com­mit­tees, respec­tive­ly. The McCutcheon deci­sion brings an end to those restric­tions. Now an indi­vid­ual donor could con­tribute up to $3.5 mil­lion if they maxed out their con­tri­bu­tions. According to an analy­sis by good gov­er­nance group Public Campaign last October, a small group of 1,219 donors came close to sur­pass­ing the aggre­gate lim­its in place in the 2012 elec­tion cycle, con­tribut­ing at least $105,300 to can­di­dates, par­ty com­mit­tees, and PACs. These super­donors — those who are now freed to open their wal­lets even more to as many can­di­dates, par­ty com­mit­tees and polit­i­cal action com­mit­tees they deem wor­thy — include con­ser­v­a­tive bil­lion­aires David and Charles Koch, direc­tor Steven Spielberg and bank­ing titan Charles Schwab.

Only a quar­ter of these donors were women, accord­ing to the analy­sis. Almost half of them lived in the rich­est 1 per­cent of neigh­bor­hoods, as cal­cu­lat­ed by per capi­ta income. Fewer than 1 in 50 lived in a major­i­ty African-American or Hispanic neigh­bor­hood, as com­pared to 1 in 6 of the gen­er­al pop­u­la­tion. And 28 per­cent of them worked for Wall Street or had roots in the finan­cial sec­tor. “These élite donors stand apart from the rest of America; they are over­whelm­ing­ly wealthy, white, and male,” the report read. A sim­i­lar analy­sis by the Sunlight Foundation found the “most like­ly to exceed” mega-donor group — those who ear­ly this year were already at or near the lim­it for the 2014 elec­tion cycle — includ­ed many of those who had vest­ed inter­ests in Washington. They include Stephen Bechtel Jr., whose engi­neer­ing firm Bechtel Corp. has a strong lob­by­ing pres­ence in Capitol Hill on nuclear issues; bil­lion­aire Texas oil mag­nate Paul Foster; for­mer Goldman Sachs man­ag­ing direc­tor Muneer Satter; reg­is­tered tax lob­by­ist Ken Kiers; and sev­er­al hedge fund man­agers. “It skews the entire sys­tem to the top, to those who have mon­ey, and it puts the deci­sion mak­ing fur­ther into the hands of those that are already doing quite well,” said David Donnelly, exec­u­tive direc­tor of the Public Campaign Action Fund. “What they’re gen­er­al­ly not inter­est­ed in is the min­i­mum wage or sup­port for peo­ple who have low or lit­tle income.” Analysts pre­dict that after the McCutcheon deci­sion, law­mak­ers are like­ly to spend even more of their time and ener­gy attempt­ing to woo these super­donors. Donnelly said you could expect to see more spec­ta­cles like the pil­grim­ages four poten­tial 2016 GOP pres­i­den­tial con­tenders made to Las Vegas last week to cur­ry favor with bil­lion­aire Sheldon Adelson, who had pub­licly said he was look­ing for a can­di­date to bankroll. Former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, Ohio Gov. John Kaisich, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker all made sure to affirm their sup­port for Israel, Adelson’s pri­ma­ry cause. Christie even went as far as to apol­o­gize to Adelson in a pri­vate meet­ing after he called areas where Palestinians live “the occu­pied ter­ri­to­ries” — a descrip­tion that the U.N. uses to describe the West Bank and East Jerusalem but that Israel rejects — in front of a con­ser­v­a­tive Jewish gathering.

Big mon­ey at stake can have that effect on how a law­mak­er posi­tions him­self, the words he choos­es and even the votes he takes, advo­cates argued. “Who is your mem­ber of Congress going to meet with, a con­stituent or donor, someone’s writ­ten a mil­lion-dol­lar-plus check to advance the party’s inter­ests?” said Stephen Spaulding, pol­i­cy coun­sel for the lib­er­al-lean­ing group Common Cause. “That’s human nature — they are going to have a seat at the table that the con­stituent isn’t going to have.” And that dimin­ish­es the voic­es of aver­age Americans and their inter­ests, advo­cates said. “All they need to do is cut a check when a mem­ber of Congress asks them to and they’ll get their phone calls returned,” said Paul Ryan, senior coun­sel for the Campaign Legal Center, an orga­ni­za­tion that works on cam­paign finance issues. Ryan added that he expect­ed to see unprece­dent­ed cor­rup­tion as a result of both the McCutcheon deci­sion and Citizens United, which unlocked the gates to unlim­it­ed spend­ing by cor­po­ra­tions and indi­vid­u­als through super PACs. “The Campaign Legal Center would like to see an American democ­ra­cy that is tru­ly demo­c­ra­t­ic that reflects the vast diver­si­ty of our coun­ty,” Ryan added. “When you look at who’s con­tribut­ing to bankroll the sys­tem, we are see­ing an over­whelm­ing­ly white and male and wealthy donor base that doesn’t look the America I live in.”http://​amer​i​ca​.aljazeera​.com/​a​r​t​i​c​l​e​s​/​2​0​1​4​/​4​/​2​/​m​c​c​u​t​c​h​e​o​n​-​f​e​c​-​d​o​n​o​r​s​a​g​g​r​e​g​a​t​e​l​i​m​i​t​s​.​h​tml